24.01.2012., utorak
Biti Covjek
Danas je jedno, jucer je bilo drugo, sutra ce, mozda predstavljati nesto trece. Bit mu je vjecna ista u sticanju cijene podcinjene marve. Rob, Kmet, Gradjanin , Proleter. Na njegovim se ledjima stvarala povijest Aristotela, Sokrate, Heraklita. Na njegovoj se krvi gradilo i rusilo Rimsko carstvo. Na njegovom je znoju i krvi izrasla Michelangelova Sistina i porobljavao se citav Svijet.
Moj je djed nosio Austro-Ugarski jaram. Moj otac talijanski fasizam. Meni je predan multipno legurne izrade : musolinieve balile, vatikanskog ministranta, balkanskog pionira, i slobodne lutalice koja je tratila zagubljeni zivot neznajuci kuda ni zasto. Danasnji europljanin, tek da nosi kamuflirani jaram Liberalnih demokracija, Republika i Monarhija. Da nosi IMF-ovu politicku demokraciju i globalno ekonomsku tiraniju. Jer, ljudskom bicu, kao da najbolje pristaje uloga podcinjene marve.
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21.01.2012., subota
Bijes i nada: »da« za Europu
Slobodan Snajder, (N.L.)
Dugo još nova vlast neće zaokružiti svojih prvih stotinu dana, ali mi već sutra i opet moramo zaokruživati. Ubacivat ćemo u glasačke kutije svoje »da« ili svoje »ne«, a s njima svoju nadu ili bijes. Referendumi, ti rituali predstavničke demokracije kojima vlast provjerava volju birača najčešće s malim rizikom za nju samu, rijetko kada ispituju neku stvarnu alternativu. Vlast se stavlja na provjeru redovnim ili izvanrednim izborima.
»Ne« u slučaju ovog referenduma uopće nije izbor. I ta je činjenica zapravo enervantna: Hrvatska si nikako ne može dopustiti to »ne«, ona ne može ostati »sama sa sobom«. Ne zato što bi se, u slučaju negativnog ishoda referenduma, ona osamila u odnosu na zajednicu meda i mlijeka (svi do danas znaju da EU nije nikakva filantropska udruga), već iz razloga koji su naprosto real-politički. Ne postoje ni taj prostor ni to vrijeme gdje bi se mogla skutriti »vječna Hrvatska«. U trenutnoj EU-kakofoniji, naše »ne« jedva da bi se čulo. Hrvatski »prkos«, gledano real-politički, dakle u kontekstu politike kao »umjetnosti mogućega«, bio bi jedna »quantité negligable«, tojest zanemariv.
EU, koja je počela kao »zajednica ugljena i čelika«, s idejom da se prevladaju povijesni antagonizmu, u prvom redu između Njemačke i Francuske, danas se bori za svoj opstanak i ta je borba jedna gigantomahija, rat divova u svjetskim omjerima, u prvom redu ekonomski. Ta svi znamo da je EU za ljude, ali samo utoliko ukoliko su ljudi i kapitalisti. Štoviše, svi drugi jedva da su ljudi, i u svjetskim omjerima živimo novu verziju agona nadčovjeka i podčovjeka. Jedva-ljudi izlaze na ulice, nadljudi imaju svoja, mnogo jača sredstva, i nitko ne zna što će biti. Ni u jednom od planetarnih sukoba nije se dosad sukobilo 99 posto stanovništva s jedan posto, a s tako slabim izgledima. Ali nadati se, valjda nije zabranjeno. Zato ćemo u kutije, već sutra, ubacivati i komadiće (krpice?) svoje nade.
Jer kolikog god malena i slaba, iscijeđena, ponižena, Hrvatska će u EU ipak imati svoj glas. Vjerodostojnost, glasnost toga glasa ne ovisi toliko o broju stanovnika, koliko o vjerodostojnosti političkih elita koje su, jer drugo im nije preostalo, prgrlile ideje Unije kao svoje. Tijela EU nemaju veze s direktnom demokracijom; mi ćemo s EU razgovarati preko naših političkih elita. Zato se one tako trude oko EU. No ako smo novoj vlasti dali tako uvjerljiv mandat na prosinačkim izborima, sutrašnji referendum samo je »utvrđivanje usvojenog znanja«.
Oporba, napose desno usmjeravana, to je pojmila, pa se otud čini kako su njezini argumenti usmjereni najviše na to da se anuliraju rezultati izbora, a manje protiv Unije. Otud ćemo sutra imati nešto kao repliku prosinačnih izbora, a sličan će, vjerujem, biti i ishod. Jer mi se, unatoč skepsi i sumnjama koje su već prilično čujne, ljuljuškamo još uvijek u medenom tromjesecu, u proverbijalnih stotinu dana kada se na poteze novih gleda kroz jako raširene prste. Nova vlast još se nije dospjela kompromitirati unatoč naporima nekih pojedinaca, koji su već dospjeli uprskati ponešto od onoga što je u izbornoj noći izgledalo neupitnim.
Pregledao sam većinu argumentacije koju su razasuli gdje su mogli, najviše po internetskim forumima, oni koji se protive ulasku Hrvatske u EU. Moram priznati, sa zebnjom. Šteta je što sam već u dobi kad bi mi nova selidba teže pala nego ranih devedesetih.
Jer brodeći između Scila i Haribda tih često zasukanih argumenata, jako sam poželio, u roku keks, iseliti, da ne kažem – pobjeći, u Uniju. U ranim devedesetim vidio sam na berlinskoj fasadi ovaj natpis: »Ausländer 'raus!!!« Nikakva osobitost; grafita koji pozivaju na protjerivanje »Ausländera«, tojest stranaca, kakav sam i ja, u Njemačkoj je uvijek bilo. Ali jedan zabrinuti Nijemac pokušao je malo popraviti ovaj »jezik mržnje«, pa je dodao: »Keinesweges!« To bi se moglo prevesti ovako: »Ni za Boga!«
I dodao: »NEMOJTE NAS OSTAVITI SAME S NIJEMCIMA!«
Pogled mi svrnu na jedan automobil koji je vozio paralelno s autobusom u kojem sam ja sjedio, a na autu je pisalo: »Svak je stranac skoro svugdje!« Eto, to su dva lica Berlina, dva lica Njemačke, i dva lica Hrvatske. Sasvim sigurno ne mogu, nijednim dijelom svojega bića, biti, glasati, za nekoga ili nešto tko naređuje protjerivanje. U EU, ne odmah ali s godinama, padaju sva ograničenja u cirkulaciji ljudi, vještina, naobrazbe, poslova i novca. Slabiji će tu još dugo vremena prolaziti lošije, ali bez EU ne bi prolazili nikako.
Utopija »vječne Hrvatske« (već se Vlado Gotovac protivio ovoj religioznoj formulaciji, jer da ništa nije vječno, pa ni Hrvatska), zasnovana na nekakvom »narodnjačkom socijalizmu« (ako ne, a tu se već moram naježiti, i nacionalnom socijalizmu), težak je anakronizam. Rekoh, za tako nešto ne postoje ni prostor ni vrijeme. Mantra o tome da će Hrvatska, kad pristupi Uniji, biti opelješena od onih kojima ide bolje nego nama neobična je već i zato što se za teško stanje domovine već danas optužuju oni koji će nas moći pljačkati tek sutra.
No ja sam davno ustvrdio da nacionalistički um ne haje za logiku. Naprimjer ovo: »Privatizacijska pljačka nije djelo šačice hrvatskih tajkuna nego je dirigirana od stranih država i korporacija...« Lijepo. To što je jedna garnitura vlasti, koja nas je jahala jako, jako dugo, učinila od zemlje svoju samo-poslugu, pače lanac samo-posluga, nije, dakle, stvar nas samih, već se radi u stvari o neoliberalnom kapitalizmu! To je utješna pomisao, ali nažalost daleko je od istine. Ma kakav crni kapitalizam, pa još neoliberalni! Obična hajdučija koja u EU ipak ne bi bila moguća. Europski političari, a naročito njemački, imali su značajnog udjela u kriminalizaciji loše vlasti, upravo zato što je ona bila daleko od kapitalizma koji ima svoje uzuse. »Privatizacijska pljačka« djelo je naše domovine sinaka, otaca, ujaka i stričeva, to je jedini naš autohtoni hrvatski proizvod, uz sir i vrhnje. Kakav Bilderberg, kakvi bakrači!
U ovom trenutku prilično je glasna ta desna kritika EU. Postoji i kritika slijeva, upravo je ona u samoj Europi sve glasnija. Ona je dio svjetskog pokreta protiv neoliberalne ekonomije i financijskog sektora koji permanentno proizvodi krizu u kojoj jedino on sjajno prolazi, a svi drugi neka crknu. Ali narodi, pa ni države, ne mogu preskočiti svoju sjenu (Hegel). Otud i Hrvatska, očito je, mora postati kapitalistička, kako bi se taj kapitalizam mogao dovoditi u pitanje. Preostaloj radničkoj klasi ove zemlje, raspršenoj i poniženoj, koja izlazi na ulice uvijek za ovaj ili onaj partikularni cilj, bolje je da se osjeti dijelom veće cjeline. Kad se bude izlazilo na ulice u Berlinu, Parizu i Zagrebu, za iste ili slične ciljeve, onda će se sustav početi klimati. Ovako, pojedine skupine naših očajnika ili gladuju do smrti, ili viču do promuknuća, a onda šalju delegacije i poslanice u vrh vlasti. Uvijek isto. Pa do jučer je upravo ta vlast proizvodila njihovu nevolju.
Zdravo je sumnjati o svemu!, čuje se upravo u Europi, skepsa je zdrav i dobar stav prema svijetu: Od starih Grka, do Descartesa i Kierkegaarda, pronosi se baklja skepticizma. To je nešto vrlo europski. Ali i »da« može biti stav koji čuva skepsu. Jer u današnjem svijetu nitko, ama baš nijedan pojedinac, nijedna garnitura vlasti, ne može i ne smije više računati s neograničenim povjerenjem koje bi od glasača učinilo podanike. Entuzijazam koji je sigurno godio trečesiječanjskoj vlasti, ali je ubrzo izdan nevjerojatnim kunktatorstvom tadašnjih pobjednika, više se ne može ponoviti.
S dozom zdrave skepse onda, glasajmo sutra za EU
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20.01.2012., petak
Hrvatski referendum o ulasku u Europsku Uniju
Kad bi neki istinski Ljevicar na Balkanu jos uvijek postojao po uzoru Svetozara Markovica, Miroslava Krleze i Giuseppine Martinuzzi, bilo bi mozda umjesno pitanje : kako se postaviti u odnosu na hrvatski referendum sljedeceg 22. Januara.
U toku petnaestak godina boravaka u Australiji osobnog suocavanja sa tamosnjom urodjenickom sudbinom, cesto su se nametala pitanja dali je taj nametnuti skok iz kamenog doba ravno u civilizaciju, koji se zbio bez presedana u evolucijskom toku ljudske bioloske vrste, bio drustveno opravdan ili nije, te sa cijeg aspekta.
Talijanski marksist Antonio Labriola smatrao je da je britanska okupacija Indije pridonijela znacajanom razvojnom pomaku te zemlje. Mnogi su se svjetski umovi tada pitali : kuda i kamo . Danas se znade za taj ishod kolonijalizma kao jedne od brutalnijih povijesnih epoha.
Sa Marksovog stanovista. Sve sto se zbiva u klasnom drustvu pretstavlja direktni interes nadcinjenih klasa. Interes cjelokupnog covjecanstva uslovljen je tek priornom abolicijom klasnog ustroja.
Australski urodjenik bio je nagradjen civilizacijskom epohom nagle ekspanzije radjajuceg kapitalizma, koji nije prezao od nikakvih podcinjavanja vlastitoj sfrsi svega sto promovira interese tadasnje svjetske mlade burzoazije. Najbolje su tada prosli Tasmanski urodjenici, koji su genocidno istrijebljeni kratkim postupkom, sve do posljednjeg. Dok njegovo kontinentalno ziteljstvo jos uvijek podlijeze dugotrajnoj torturi vlastitog izumiranja.
Slicna se sudbina pise danasnjim hrvatskim plemenima, koje se upravo sistematski anestezira ekonomskom tiranijom pomamnih tajkuna, prozdrljive krizarske popadije i nacionalisticke surove zvjeradi. Ovdje je napose tuzno zaticati jednu sjajnu intelektualnu osobu kao sto je gospodja Vesna Pusic , koja ne preze ni od najtezih prijetnja starackoj populaciji o mogucem gubitku njihovog dostojanstvenog umiranja putem zakidanja i onih zadnjih mrvica mirovine kojom se i onako jedva prezivljava, dabome ako se glasa protiv Europske Ubije
Kakva cijena da se postane tek djelic pomahnitale IMF-ove korporacijske Europe!
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18.01.2012., srijeda
Ljeta gospodnjeg 2012
Jeli covjek doista stigao samo dotle sto je zasluzio
VIDEO Ubio se talijanski par kojeg je kriza natjerala na prosjački štap: Svoju smrt posvećujemo Berlusconiju
• Radnici koji izrađuju iPhone i iPade prijete: Svi ćemo se ubiti (J.L.)
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17.01.2012., utorak
AUDIO Uhvaćen u laži: Biskup zanijekao da je optužio ateiste za rat. Ali nije računao na snimke
Vojni ordinarij svoju je istinu u priopćenju branio svjesno lažući. To dokazuju snimke novinara Jutarnjeg. Naime, preslušavanjem snimke i čitanjem njegove propovijedi na webu nedvojbeno je da je falsificirao ono što je pričao u karlovačkoj crkvi. (J.L)
Tesko je tu prosuditi radi li se o inbeciljnoj ili lisicinoj naravi. Najvjerojatnije da je to mjesavina jedne i druge, koje su cinile glavni potporni stup dvadesetgodisnjeg obmanjivanja: „drz'te lopova“, sve dok se vrsila jedna od najsvirepijih pljacka u povijesti ove jadne zemlje. Jezerinac je doslovno angeoski lebdio u njegovom sumanutom luksuzu zemaljskog raja.
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"Nakon što je čelnik HDZ-a Vladimir Šeks na jedan dan postao umirovljenik kako bi ostvario pravo na povlašenu mirovinu, isto je najavio i jedan od prvaka Kukuriku koalicije, Damir Kajin .IDS-ovac otvoreno priznaje kako će se i on umiroviti na jedan dan iako je dio Kukuriku koalicije koja ih ukida.“
Bravo bibljiski Kajin. Sad te i vanjstina izdaje kako si mucno zaradjivao svoju povlastenu mirovinu. Ili je to samo tvoj poklopac na IDSov napojni lonac za tvoje bidne istrijane, koji se nisu znali tako mucno izboriti za vlastitu staracku guzu kao ti i tvoja lojava i lajava kasta.
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Paris commune 1871
( part 2/3)
The Revolt Begins
Hire continued existence of an armed prole¬tariat in the city was regarded as a menace by Thiers. In the early morning hours of March 18 he launched a clandestine military operation to steal the National Guard's cannon at Mont- martre. But before the cannon could be dragged off, the federal troops were met by an aroused citizenry, who rushed to the defense of the guns which had been bought with money raised dur¬ing the siege by public subscription.
Men, women and children crowded around and fraternized with the soldiers. Three times the generals leading the expedition ordered their troops to fire on the crowd. Three times they refused. Finally they turned their guns on the real enemy, shooting down the commander who had given the orders to fire.
TTie defense of the cannon marked the initial stage in the revolt The federal forces promptly withdrew to Versailles, along with the govern¬ment and other reactionary elements.
The Communards' failure to press their advan-tage by attacking the retreating army, and thus disarming the dass of plunder- i ers tagging behind it, proved to be a fatal error. In a letter to Dr. L. Kugelmann, dated April 12, Marx observed that the workers of Paris "should have marched at once on Versailles, after first Vincy and then the reactionary section of the Paris National Guard had themselves retreated. The right moment was missed because of conscientious scruples. They did not want to start the civil war..."
Workers' Government Elected
On March 19, Paris awakened a free city, to the joy of its inhabitants. The sole power in Paris lay with the Central Committee of the National Guard, which hastened to divest itself of the authority that had fallen to it After one brief postponement, elections to a Communal CouiKil were held on March 26. Of the 101 members elected, 21 were declared Socialists, members of the International Work- ingman's Association, while the remainder were -advanced radical and Jacobin type." On the 28th of March, the Commune was proclaimed and workers celebrated throughout the city.
The Commune immediately began to adopt measures for the social welfare of the workers, at the expense of the propertied class. Describ¬ing tho forces steering the Commune in a socialist direction, Lenin wrote, "...In modern society the proletariat, enslaved economically by capital, cannot dominate politically unless it breaks the chains which fetter it to capital. This is why the movement of tho Commune inevitably had to take on a socialist coloring, Le., to begin striving for the overthrow of tho power of the bourgeoisie, the power of capital, to destroy the very foundations of the present social order." .
What were the acts that so enraged the bour-geoisie? The first decree of the Commune was to abolish the standing army and substitute for it the "armed people* Conscription was ended. The sale of objects pledged in pawnshops was suspended; landlords were forbidden to evict tenants until further notice; overdue bills were extended for a month; rents due from October 1870 to April 1871 were wiped out; bakers were freed from night work; the separation of church and state was declared; the guillotine was pub¬licly burned; government salaries were set at the level of average workers' wages; workshops and factories that had either been abandoned or shut down were ordered reopened under the control of workers' associations and fudges were to be elective, responsible, and revocable."
Military Defeats, Social Advances
Meanwhile, the bourgeoisie was preparing for vengeance against the Parisians. Suppressing national differences, Thiers and the Prussian Bismarck, whose forces were still outside Paris' gates, conspired to crush this spark of commu¬nism. French prisoners of war were released by the Prussians and consigned to the Versailles army.
On April 2, the Commune did make a belated sortie against Versailles. But one of the two columns, consisting of 40,000 workers in all, was betrayed by treacherous leaders and de¬feated at Chattalion. In what was only the har¬binger of the future slaughter, two workers* leaders were shot on the spot, as were members of the federal army found fighting on the side of the Communards. The prisoners taken were marched to Versailles, where they were subject¬ed to vile abuse and imprisoned under inhuman conditions.
But the Parisians were not demoralized by the defeat. It merely strengthened their deter¬mination to carry on a defensive war.
Defenders of the Commune.
Meanwhile, life in the city continued to take on new character and meaning. In his work on the Paris Commune, Marx described the changes brought about by the workers in con¬trol of Paris: "No longer was Paris the ren¬dezvous of British landlords, Irish absentees, American ex-slaveholders and shoddy men, Russian ex-serf-owners, and Wallachian boyards. No more corpses at the
morgue, no nocturnal burglaries, scarcely any robberies; in facts for the first time since the days of February, 1848, the streets of Paris were safe, and that without any police of any kind. We/ said a member of the Commune, 'hear no longer of assassination, theft, and personal assault; it seems, indeed, as if the police had dragged along with it to Versailles all its con¬servative friends.'*
But the entire owning class, the factory* own¬ers, the landlords, the small shopkeepers, the bankers and large capitalists, allied with the Prussians and reactionaries from rural Prance, were prepared to crush the Commune with all tho hatred and viciousness characteristic of the bourgeoisie when its interests are threatened. The Commune's petty bourgeois allies deserted it Revolts in the provinces also failed and work¬ers in Paris were left to fight alone.
By now defeat was unavoidable. Although the Versailles army consisted largely of beaten and demoralized men, the Communards were even less equipped or prepared to wage a civil war. The poorly disciplined worker-soldiers had no cavalry, few horses and few skilled artillerymen. Most of all, they lacked experienced soldiers capable of organizing them to defend the city.
Strategic and Political Errors
Despite the bravery with which they fought, the Communards made strategic errors that insured their eventual defeat Their military leadership was so incompetent that it failed to occupy the fortress on Mont Valorien overlook¬ing the valley of the Seine after it was aban¬doned by the retreating Versailles army on March 18. Though Thiers also failed to see the strategic importance of Mont Valorien, his gen-erals prevailed and the army soon reoccupied it
But most devastating to their cause was the Communards' failure, in all too many cases, to recognize that they were engaged in a life-and- death strle with a class enemy that would marshal every resource at its disposal to anni¬hilate them. As historians of the Commune have noted, the Parisian workers *^uld not believe the enemy was irrevocably the enemy."
Especially in the early stages» precious time was wasted in parliamentary debate. The Commune sought to legalize its existence, despite the fact that it was actually engaged in a war against bourgeois legality.
Instead of seizing the Bank of France, the Parisian workers left it untouched. Describing this as a "portentous political error," Frederick Engels said, "The Bank in the hands of the Commune—that was worth more than ten thousand hostages. It would have meant the pressure of the entire French bourgeoisie upon the Versailles government in the interest of peace with the Commune."
Workers retained hope that they could defeat Thiers' army in street fighting. But prepara¬tions were not made and an air of unreality per¬meated the city. After being turned back in fighting on May 20, the Versailles army entered Paris through the gate of St Cloud on Sunday, May 21, while in another part of the city a con¬cert was being held to raise money for widows and orphans of the Commune.
Bourgeoisie's Revenge
The alarm was sounded, national guardsmen were dispersed to fight individually in their own districts and barricades were hurriedly thrown up. But by 1iesday, Montmartrc had fall¬en and the butchery had begun. By Sunday the 28th, it was all over except for the vengeance of the Versailles legions, urged on by the bourgeois press. Men, women and children were summarily shot, others were impris-oned, some were shot after trials and others were deported.
The revenge visited on the Com¬munards by the resurgent bourgeoisie was barbaric. As compiled by the his¬torian Lissagaray, the casualties , included: Twenty-five thousand men, women and children killed during the battle or after, three thousand at least dead in the prisons, the pontoons, the forts, or in con¬sequence of maladies contracted during their captivity, thirteen thousand seven hundred con-demned, most of them for life; seventy thousand women, children and old men deprived of their natural supporters or thrown out of France; one hundred and eleven thousand victims at least That is the balance slieet of the bourgeois ven¬geance for the solitary insurrection of the 18th March.*
After the bourgeoisie had taken its brutal revenge, Thiers declared, •'Now we have finished with socialism for a long time."' But such opti¬mism was premature. A decade later a new gen¬eration of Socialists had arisen in France and their agitation forced the bourgeoisie to release the Communards still imprisoned or exiled.
Lessons of the Commune
Six months before the Paris Commune, Karl Marx warned that the time was not ripe for the French working class to attempt the overthrow of the new Republican government Yet once the movement of French workers began in March 1871, Marx hailed it enthusiastically, support¬ing the Communards against all the distortions and attacks of the bourgeoisie and its press.
In a letter to Dr. L. Kugelmann (April 12), Marx praised the Communards in glowing terms: 'AVhat elasticity, what historical initiative, what a capacity for sacrifice in the^e Parisians! After six months of hunger and ruin, caused rather by internal treachery than by the external enemy, they rise, beneath the Prussian bayonet«, as if there had never been a war between France and Germany and the enemy were not at the gates of Paris. History has no like example of a like greatness. If they are defeated, only their 'good nature' will be to blame."
All too soon the Commune was defeated. But as noted before, it was the kind of defeat that "makes success possible." Alongside a legacy of heroism, the Commune left an historic, practi¬cal example from which Socialists, beginning with Marx, have drawn many lessons in their efforts to continue what the Paris Commune began.
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16.01.2012., ponedjeljak
Jack London
3/3
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„Potpredsjednik HDZ-a i Sabora otišao je u mirovinu na jedan dan kako bi osigurao pravo na povlaštenu mirovinu od najmanje 9 tisuća kuna i nakon što ih nova Vlada ukine. No, Šeks nije jedini.“
Te su se podzemne krtice odlicno snalazile u kopanju vlastitih rovova za vrijeme SKJ, HDZ i u sadasnjem Kukurikanju.
Blazeni snovi uspavanih masa ...
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14.01.2012., subota
Jack London
part 2/3
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